A devastating defeat of the sort the Hungarian opposition parties suffered on Sunday usually shakes the very foundations of the parties that must face the consequences of their policies and actions. Therefore, it is almost certain that in the next few months we will witness major policy shifts or even the break-up of certain parties.
Although a lot of soul-searching is going on in all opposition parties at the moment, one party’s internal turmoil is right on the surface for everyone to see. That party is LMP. Although the party managed to hide its leadership split on issues of cooperation before and during the election campaign, by now we are fully aware that a fierce fight was taking place between those who urged more cooperation with the other left-of-center parties and those who were dead set against any overtures to MSZP and DK, whose leaders they blamed for Viktor Orbán’s two-thirds majority in 2010.
During the campaign some LMP leaders came to believe that the policies being pursued were not only counterproductive politically but might lead, in the event that Fidesz regained a two-thirds majority, to a general perception in anti-Fidesz circles that LMP was the party responsible for this state of affairs. And this is exactly what happened. The Hungarian media is full of criticism of LMP and its co-chair, Bernadett Szél. Some of these criticisms are real scorchers, especially in blogs that normally express their opinions in strong terms, not sparing words of abuse. But even the former conservative MDF leader Károly Herényi talked disparagingly about “Bernadett Szél, who on that funereal night spoke about the greatness of their program with an ethereal expression on her face.”
As we know by now from interviews with Ákos Hadházy and others, a struggle was going on in LMP between those who wanted to continue the old policy and those who believed that, under the present circumstances, the party must change tactics. In the end, they reached a compromise, deciding to withdraw six LMP candidates. But that didn’t save the reputation of the party. The withdrawals were too few, and they came too late. Supporters of the left opposition, instead of being appreciative of LMP’s gestures, “came to hate the party,” as Index put it.
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Bernadett Szél is not a happy camper
The defining dilemma throughout LMP’s short history was its relationship to other left-of-center parties. András Schiffer, without whom there would be no LMP today, from the beginning doggedly represented a policy that was against any kind of formal cooperation with MSZP. As he reminded us lately, LMP was not established against Fidesz, which was in opposition in 2009, but against the Gyurcsány MSZP-SZDSZ government. Whether with Fidesz’s help or not, the newly established LMP came out of the 2010 election with parliamentary representation.
Two years later, however, the party split in two: the majority of the MPs left LMP and formed their own party called Párbeszéd (Dialogue). The issue was the question of joining the other parties — Együtt, MSZP, and DK — to form an electoral bloc to go against Fidesz in 2014. The result was another two-thirds Fidesz majority, but again LMP managed to squeeze into parliament. Now, some commentators predict that another party split might be in store.
Two years ago András Schiffer gave up his parliamentary seat and resigned as co-chairman. Ostensibly he no longer plays any role in the everyday running of the party. This may be the case, but he has many followers who are as adamant as he is when it comes to the party’s policy of total independence, which, they believe, will one day lead to the formation of an LMP government. One of these hardliners is Róbert Benedek Sallai, who is currently the secretary of the party.
On the other side is Ákos Hadházy, a relative newcomer, who after Schiffer’s retirement became co-chairman. It was evident in the last couple of years that Hadházy’s chief aim was the defeat of Fidesz, and he was willing to collaborate with anyone to achieve that goal. But it was also apparent that he just didn’t have the necessary weight within the party to make a difference. As a result, he struggled to reconcile his own pro-cooperation attitude with his party’s anti-cooperation position. The result was predictable. He was always lucid when explaining the often complicated corruption cases he exposed, but he was singularly inarticulate when it came to party politics.
After the election Hadházy resigned his post as co-chairman, and at last he felt free to say that “András Schiffer and Róbert Benedek Sallai threatened the [LMP] candidates with lawsuits costing many millions of forints if they withdraw.” Schiffer denied the accusation but eventually admitted that at least one candidate asked his legal opinion, and he confirmed the possibility of a successful lawsuit in such a case.
Bernadett Szél, on the other hand, didn’t resign. Her rationale is that, according to LMP’s by-laws, after a national election party officials have to run for reelection anyway. And since she sees no need to change the party’s program, I assume she is planning to run for the co-chairmanship again.
Meanwhile several party leaders, including Ákos Hadházy and Péter Ungár, are the subjects of ethical review processes. According to Sallai, “Hadházy with his pro-cooperation attitude seriously endangers the party’s strategic goals.” In fact, according to him, Hadházy actually “works for the interests and goals of other parties.” In addition, Hadházy is guilty of having urged others to withdraw, for example, the LMP candidate in Ágnes Kunhalmi’s district. This candidate did in fact withdraw in Kunhalmi’s favor and is now also facing an ethical review. His hearing will take place on Saturday. According to the latest information, the Schiffer followers also suspect Péter Ungár of being disloyal because he negotiated on his own with other parties. Even so, the party might have to overlook Ungár’s transgressions. He inherited a large fortune which, for example, is enabling him to negotiate with Lajos Simicska about buying Magyar Nemzet, an important newspaper. Ungár’s wealth is an asset that cannot be ignored.
Observers predict that LMP may split in two again, just like in January 2013. The issue that divided them then hasn’t disappeared since. If Bernadett Szél regains her position after the new election of officials, I cannot see a change in the self-destructive policies of LMP. There might be a repeat performance of the earlier rupture. At that time, with Fidesz’s assistance, LMP managed to retain its independent parliamentary delegation, although they were short one seat. Then, László Kövér, persuaded by András Schiffer, the super lawyer, granted an exception. Perhaps if they behave, they will be lucky again.